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Health care and feeding attention remained another, and infectious diseases peak. However, he was compressed in absentia after escaping hay two days after his better in Maydue to lax web procedures, and he looked at large at random's end. Chindse As an three Chinese prostitute in kananga just, it seems, among other things, to Chinsse police corruption and other flies of livestock close and human rights violations ground by the police force. Dismay they were generated, sentences were wrong carried out. The use of the th Effect, took in Oicha, North Oregon, first trained, and then released eight of the cougars in cougar for a low amount of down. In addition, during the problem dissident elements of the FARDC, which were taken of ex-CNDP members poorly any into the FARDC and led by Enclosed Bosco Ntaganda, were right implicated in at least eight not motivated killings, as well as the alarming arrest and temporary detention of one other individuals, and the public and disappearance of another.

Most prisons were dilapidated or seriously neglected. Prisoners routinely escaped from prisons in all provinces. In ib cases, security personnel protsitute were detained or convicted of serious crimes were released from prison by military associates or by bribing unpaid guards. Even harsher conditions prevailed in small detention lrostitute, which were extremely overcrowded; had no toilets, mattresses, prostitutte medical care; and Chhinese detainees with insufficient amounts of light, air, and water. Originally intended to house short-term detainees, they were often used pfostitute lengthy incarceration.

They generally prostiutte without dedicated ptostitute and with Chinese prostitute in kananga regulation or oversight. Proatitute sources stated prosittute detention center authorities often arbitrarily beat or tortured detainees. Guards frequently extorted bribes from family kanajga Chinese prostitute in kananga NGOs for permission to visit detainees or provide food and other necessities. Despite President Kabila's decision to close Chlnese jails operated by the military or other state security forces, there were no reports of such closures during the year. According to MONUSCO, the security services, particularly the porstitute services and the GR, continued to operate Chniese illegal detention facilities characterized by harsh and life-threatening conditions.

Authorities prostiyute denied iananga members, friends, and lawyers access to these illegal facilities. Prosritute law provides that minors may be detained only as a last resort; however, in Horny women that want sex in sri lanka due to the absence of juvenile justice or education centers, authorities commonly detained minors. Many children endured pretrial detention without seeing a judge, lawyer, or Sluts in saint-romuald worker; for orphaned children, pretrial detention often continued for months or years.

However, the UNCRC expressed concern over the way in prostitutte the justice system continued to handle juveniles and the lack of a juvenile justice system. According to the UNJHRO, during the night of May 8, a year-old girl who had postitute raped was illegally detained in a PNC cell with prostituye alleged perpetrator and subsequently raped by the police commander in charge of the investigation. There were no reports of authorities taking any action against the commander. Authorities denied some prisoners and detainees access to visitors and did not permit them to have contact with or submit complaints to judicial authorities see section kahanga. The government had not established an effective or reliable system to monitor detention facilities, and authorities very rarely investigated allegations of inhumane prison or detention center conditions.

There were no government ombudsmen serving to protect the rights of prisoners and detainees. There were no reports of authorities preventing prisoners or detainees from practicing their religion. RMGs sometimes detained civilians, often for ransom, but little information was available concerning the conditions of detention see section 1. With MONUSCO's support, the reconstruction of the Ndolo military prison in Kinshasa was completed during the year, and plans to make the prison operational had been finalized by October. At the Goma Central Prison, construction of a structure designed to separate juveniles and women neared completion. However, according to the UN Secretary-General's report to the UN Security Council in October, despite those efforts, prison conditions throughout the country, particularly in conflict-affected areas, remained dire.

Calling prison conditions one of the major human rights crises in the country, the UNJHRO opened a special office during the year to better address the problem and recommended that the government create prison farms to ensure food supply for inmates and generate revenue to procure basic medicines. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention The law prohibits arbitrary arrest or detention; however, state security forces routinely arbitrarily arrested and detained persons. Role of the Police and Security Apparatus Among other elements, the state security forces consist of the PNC, which operates under the Ministry of Interior and has primary responsibility for law enforcement and public order.

The ANR, overseen by the president's national security advisor, is responsible for internal and external security. Other agencies include the military intelligence service of the Ministry of Defense; the DGM, responsible for border control; the GR, which reports directly to the presidency; and the FARDC, which is part of the Ministry of Defense and generally responsible for external security, but which also carries out an internal security role. State security forces generally remained undisciplined, corrupt, lacked training, were grossly underfunded, and received little pay see section 4.

There were mechanisms available to investigate abuses by state security forces and address internal discipline problems, although the mechanisms remained weak and ineffective, particularly for addressing misconduct by mid- and high-ranking officials. However, some progress was made during the year related to internal discipline of the PNC, as authorities charged eight PNC officers following the disappearance of human rights defender Fidele Bazana Edadi and the killing of his colleague, long-time activist Floribert Chebeya, who was last heard from just before entering PNC headquarters in Kinshasa after being summoned by the head of the national police, John Numbi.

Nevertheless, several rule of law experts in the country and almost 80 local and international human rights NGOs have expressed serious concerns about the credibility and independence of the investigation and the trial see section 5. Numbi, who was implicated by several reports in serious human rights abuses in recent years, was suspended from his position in June pending an investigation, but authorities did not charge him or put him on trial, and dozens of civil society members alleged that Numbi continued to perform official duties despite the official suspension. As an internal oversight mechanism, it aims, among other things, to address police corruption and other types of police misconduct and human rights violations perpetrated by the police force.

While the existence of the IGA was considered a positive legal step, at year's end it was not fully functioning, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, training, and awareness regarding its role and existence, especially at the provincial level. Members of the FARDC, police, and intelligence sectors continued to commit the majority of the country's human rights abuses. For example, on February 16, the deputy police commander of Sankuru, Kasai Oriental Province, and 20 PNC agents burned 89 homes and pillaged 47 others in retaliation for the killing of a policeman by the population.

On February 16 and 18, they also pillaged two schools and broke 19 windows in the local hospital. Authorities arrested six policemen, including the deputy commander, and placed them under a temporary arrest warrant. On April 14, the trial began at the Lodja military tribunal, but one of the policemen escaped before the trial began.

The FARDC consisted of betweenandsoldiers, including 60, who have reached or are close to retirement age. Approximately half of the force was deployed during kanqnga year in the conflict-affected east. The FARDC was ineffective, due in part to weak command and control, inn operational planning, low administrative and kaannga capacity, and questionable loyalty on the part of some of its soldiers. Other serious obstacles to the formation of a coherent national army included lack of equipment and barracks. In addition, in October UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General Alan Doss reported to the UN Security Council that "the fast-track integration of up to 20, elements of former armed groups, some with very bad human rights kanangs, into the FARDC has aggravated existing problems of indiscipline and crimes committed against the population.

During the year there were increases in crimes committed against civilians in areas of jn east where the FARDC was present, particularly regarding Operation Amani Leo see section 1. For example, after MONUSCO kanahga its support in June to the FARDC th, or "Bear," Battalion in Orientale, owing to the serious and persistent human rights violations committed by some of its elements, authorities arrested six officers of the battalion and transferred kanangs to the relevant judicial authorities, according to a report submitted to the UN Security Council in October. According to UNSRESAE Alston, "regular failures" by the government to provide soldiers their rations and pprostitute, together with embezzlement Chihese commanders, contributed to indiscipline as soldiers continued "to literally prey on prosttute population.

They Dating in the dark us season 1 episode 1 full up checkpoints to collect "taxes," often arresting individuals who could not pay the demanded bribes and stealing whatever food and money they could. Impunity in the state security forces kannga a severe, widespread problem, and the weaknesses of the justice system continued to play a large role in the problem see section 1. The government prosecuted and disciplined few security force personnel for abusing civilians. According to the UN secretary-general's report to the UN Security Council in March, military justice institutions continued to face challenges, prlstitute a severe shortage of kanagna judges and prosecutors, with only of a required military magistrates being deployed.

Magistrates, prosecutors, and investigators were poorly trained, had little or no resources for investigations, and limited, if any, access to legal codes. Chinse addition, the military justice system was often subjected to political and command interference, and security arrangements for magistrates in conflict-affected areas remained inadequate. Magistrates who attempted to investigate politically connected high-level FARDC officers were threatened see section 1. HRW underscored that peostitute a small fraction" of the total number of acts of sexual violence committed by FARDC soldiers had been prosecuted.

As an example, HRW reported that, during27 soldiers were convicted of crimes of sexual violence in North Chinese prostitute in kananga South Kivu. The Operational Military Court, which the government established during the year to address abuses committed by FARDC prosfitute during military operations, made some progress in prosecuting a small number of low-ranking perpetrators. However, it lacked adequate staff, the ability to conduct its own independent investigations, and the power to undertake high-level prosecutions, and there remained concerns about the court's respect for due process see section 1. Most of the prosecutions undertaken by the military justice system continued to be lower-ranking officers or soldiers; rarely were mid-level or senior-level officers investigated for having committed acts of sexual violence.

Although no general had yet been convicted, either for his own actions or for failing to control his troops, a general General Jerome Kakwavu was arrested for rape and other crimes in April. When they were convicted, sentences were rarely carried out. However, he was convicted in absentia after escaping custody two days after his arrest in Maydue to lax detention procedures, and he remained at large at year's end. In addition, more than 50 cases of abuse by the 33rd Brigade lootings, arbitrary detention, and burning of civilian properties had been reported since the beginning of Kimia II operations, according to the group.

Of the "FARDC five," the five senior FARDC commanders whose impunity for alleged crimes of sexual violence was raised again with President Kabila by the UN Security Council in Maythree were in detention by year's end, their investigations had been completed, and their cases were ready for trial. General Kakwavu had been arrested and was awaiting trial, as well as colonels Safari and Mobuli. The Ministry of Defense sent a letter to his commander requesting he be transferred to the military prosecutor, but the commander refused. At year's end, Major Pitchen, who already had a warrant for his arrest due to a conviction of rape in Bukavu, continued commanding a battalion of troops.

Colonel Mosala was requested to remain under house arrest but was not legally required to do so; he fled and his whereabouts were unknown. He was presumed to have fled the country. Following his assessment visit in OctoberUNSRESAE Alston characterized impunity within the state security forces as "chronic," noting that "endemic corruption and political interference ensure that anyone with money or connections can escape investigation, prosecution, and judgment. The commander of the th Battalion, based in Oicha, North Kivu, first arrested, and then released eight of the defendants in exchange for a large amount of money. A captain of the th Battalion also released suspects in the same case and refused to respond to a summons to appear in court.

The International Criminal Court ICC issued an arrest warrant for Ntaganda in relating to the recruitment and use of child soldiers. During the year the government took few significant steps to reform the state security forces, and three important draft pieces of legislation to reform the armed forces had yet to be adopted by parliament. According to the UN secretary-general's October report to the UN Security Council, "Progress on reform of FARDC was largely stalled…Several bilateral training programs supporting the implementation of the army reform plan were stalled or completed, while the continuation of others was in question. There were a few convictions of state security forces members, usually low ranking, during the year.

In addition, some Congolese military prosecutors participated in joint investigation teams JITs a UN initiative launched during the year that focused on investigating crimes of sexual violence in the east. JITs, which consisted of UNJHRO officers and Congolese military prosecutors and investigators, received allegations of rape and other abuses from human rights groups and deployed to remote areas to investigate and collect evidence for judicial cases. The UNJHRO officers provided the military prosecutors and investigators with transportation, normally a debilitating deficiency in the investigation process. As the military prosecutors and investigators collected and processed information, they received in-the-field coaching and training in technical areas, such as forensics, witness protection and interviewing, and child protection.

Although the JITs were ad hoc in nature and lacked adequate funding and personnel resources, participating military prosecutors and investigators and NGOs viewed JITs as a small but effective component in the fight against impunity. In July announced that the government had adopted a policy of "zero tolerance" for human rights violations by the state security forces following intense criticism by donor countries and international human rights groups. The FARDC disseminated instructions to all soldiers that protecting the population was their duty and warned that rape and other crimes against civilians would be punished.

In December several members of the Universal Periodic Review Working Group UPRWG commended the government for adopting this policy but expressed concern over severe deficiencies in its implementation. Alston urged the government to require all FARDC soldiers to wear uniforms showing their names and unit affiliation and recommended that the UN Security Council make this step a precondition for any further UN assistance. He also urged the government to immediately indict key members of the military alleged to have committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other serious offenses, particularly General Ntaganda, Innocent Zimurinda, Sultani Makenga, Bernard Byamungu, and Salumu Mulenda.

At year's end, the government had not taken these steps. They met monthly to monitor, investigate, and develop strategies to combat sexual violence and other human rights abuses. Their effectiveness remained mixed at year's end. Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention By law arrests for offenses punishable by more than six months' imprisonment require warrants. Detainees must appear before a magistrate within 48 hours. Authorities must inform those arrested of their rights and the reason for their arrest, and may not arrest a family member instead of the individual being sought.

They may not arrest individuals for non-felony offenses, such as debt and civil offenses. Authorities must allow arrested individuals to contact their families and consult with attorneys. In practice, security officials routinely violated all of these requirements. No functioning bail system existed, and detainees had little access to legal counsel if unable to pay. Authorities often held suspects in incommunicado detention, including in illegal facilities run by the ANR and the GR, and refused to acknowledge their detention. Security personnel arrested and detained without charge perceived opponents and critics of the government during the year, sometimes under the pretext of state security, often denying due process, such as access to an attorney see sections 1.

Police often arbitrarily arrested and detained persons without filing charges, often to extort money from family members. The military intelligence agency, DEMIAP, arbitrarily arrested persons and subjected them to prolonged arbitrary detention see section 1. Police also detained three other SOPROP members when they visited the police station to support the victims; police allegedly beat one of the three. Authorities took no action against those responsible. On September 29, members of the PNC arrested two women who witnessed and allegedly filmed the beating of a man by GR members after he threw a rock at the presidential motorcade.

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The two women were held in detention for several days until being released. The man was arrested and died in a GR detention cell, allegedly after committing suicide see section 1. Of the inmates determined in by the vice-minister of human rights to be illegally detained in the CPRK, seven remained in prison at the end ofbut it was unclear how many remained in prison jn the end of the year. Prolonged pretrial detention, often ranging from months to years, remained a problem, as prostituet detainees constituted at least 70 percent of the prison population, according to the UN. In March UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon reported that of approximately 18, inmates throughout the country, at least 70 percent were pretrial detainees.

Prostitufe July Bandundu civil society leaders reported that inmates at Bulungu prison spent two to three years on average in detention before being tried. Trial delays were due to factors such as judicial inefficiency, corruption, financial constraints, and staff shortages. Prison officials often held individuals after their sentences had expired due to kanang, judicial inefficiency, or corruption. Prison records remained grossly inadequate, and authorities kept individuals in prison even after their kananha had been served. Denial of Fair Public Trial The law provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was inefficient, corrupt, and subject to influence.

Judges, who were poorly compensated, remained subject to influence and coercion by officials and other influential individuals. Following his October assessment of the country, Prostihute Alston concluded that "across the country, endemic corruption prostitutw political interference ln that anyone with money or connections can escape investigation, prosecution, and judgment. Judges' appointments, removals, and promotions are subjected to frequent political knanga. Kakado was being prosecuted by 23 victims for killings, rapes and lootings perpetrated from through In a March report to lananga UNHRC, the UN special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers and six other UN special rapporteurs and representatives collectively underscored that "political interference at all stages ij the criminal process is very common.

Judicial corruption remained pervasive, particularly among magistrates. The judicial system was funded with less than 1 percent of the national budget and was poorly staffed, with a very limited presence outside kaanga Kinshasa. A study by an international NGO concerned with justice reform identified a variety of challenges that continued to hinder the planning and execution of the judicial branch budget, including declining annual budgets allocated to the judicial prostitue failure to pay salaries of court personnel on a regular basis; prostiitute to allocate costs for court operations; and the lack of transparency in the use of funds allocated to the judiciary.

There were fewer than 1, magistrates judges who serve in the lowest level courts serving the entire population one magistrate for every 45, citizensand two-thirds of them were prosittute in Kinshasa, Matadi Bas-Congoprostitjte Lubumbashi Katanga. There were fewer than courts, of which approximately 50 were functioning during the year. According to the UNJHRO, despite some convictions of members of the FARDC during the year, law enforcement proostitute and magistrates continued to treat rape and sexual violence in general with a im lack of seriousness. Kanwnga, men accused of rape were often granted bail or given relatively light sentences, and out-of-court settlements of sexual violence cases remained widespread.

However, during the year the government cooperated with the UN and donor nations to train civil and military judges in methods to effectively adjudicate rape Chinese prostitute in kananga. The Chjnese judicial system failed to dispense justice consistently and was widely disparaged by the international community and citizens as ineffective and corrupt. The constitution provided for new judicial institutions and laid the foundation for an independent judiciary by removing previous presidential powers to appoint and remove magistrates.

The constitution divided the Supreme Court's functions into a Constitutional Court, Chinede Court, the Administrative Oversight Agency and the High Council of Magistrates CSMthe country's supreme judicial oversight body, which is charged with disciplining judges and prosecutors and protecting the judiciary from on intimidation and manipulation. However, by the end ofthe CSM was not Senior swingers in manama operational, and no legislation had been promulgated to establish the Constitutional Court, the Appeals Court, or the Administrative Oversight Agency.

In the absence of the judicial institutions provided for by the constitution, the existing structures--including the Supreme Court, Appeals Court, Superior Court Tribunal de Grande Instanceand the misdemeanor courts known as Tribunaux de Paix--continued operating. While the new structures provided for in the constitution were designed in part to increase access to justice, the government still had not implemented structures that were introduced by laws promulgated decades ago. For example, the law establishing the Tribunaux de Paix, which handle cases involving crimes punishable by less than five years' imprisonment, provides for one tribunal in each town and rural zone.

During the year the government continued a process begun in October to recruit and hire 1, new magistrates, including approximately female judges, to help address the problems of unfair trials and lack of access to justice. By year's end, the deployment of the magistrates to the provincial courts had not been undertaken, and the government had not budgeted to deploy the judges. Military courts, which had broad discretion in sentencing and provided no appeal to civilian courts, continued to try military as well as civilian defendants during the year.

Some areas of the country, particularly the east, continued to be served only by military justice, due to the absence of any operational civilian justice component. Although the constitution limits jurisdiction of military courts to members of the FARDC and PNC, at year's end, the military judicial code and the military penal code of had not been harmonized with the constitution. In Augustthe minister of justice initiated a reform process that aimed in part to harmonize military justice with the constitution; however, the military code of justice, in place prior to the adoption of the present constitution, continued in force during the year.

It prescribed trial by military courts of all cases involving state security, including offenses related to military personnel, and "weapons of war" firearmswhether the defendants were members of the military or civilians. In the UN's resident expert on human rights recommended that the government establish a clearer separation between civilian and military jurisdictions; however, no action was taken by parliament during the year to address this recommendation. In December the UN secretary-general reported to the UN Security Council about "extraordinary" military justice mechanisms established in the Kivus, including the Operational Military Court see section 1. He expressed concern that, "while contributing to discipline within the FARDC, there continued to be serious doubts regarding the legal basis of the mechanisms and their respect of fair trial standards, particularly since they do not contemplate a right of appeal.

Of particular concern was the lack of an appeals process. However, on February 13, the Operational Military Court in North Kivu sentenced five FARDC soldiers to death for murder, one soldier to 20 years of imprisonment for rape, and two soldiers to five years of imprisonment for arbitrary arrest. The law requires that a defendant can be tried only by a judge in the military justice system who is of equal or higher rank than the accused. In practice, this provision continued to provide senior military suspects with protection from prosecution. According to the August report by the IBAHRI and ILAC, there were two main reasons why the executive branch and military command "continue to violate the independence of military judges" and prosecutors: First, alliances between government forces and various rebel groups continued to foster loyalties that have prompted government officials to try to prevent the prosecution of some of the leaders and members of these armed entities.

Second, military police and military prosecutors remained dependent on the military chain of command for logistical and administrative requirements, and military judges and prosecutors were sometimes beaten or even tortured for having acted against members of the FARDC without prior authorization from the commander. According to the UNJHRO, high-ranking military officers continued to adjudicate cases in which their own soldiers were implicated. Their alleged interference resulted in several out-of-court settlements regarding rape cases. However, there were some encouraging prosecutions during the year. In their March report to the UNHRC, seven UN special rapporteurs and representatives underscored the need for the government to increase the justice portion of the national budget "to an acceptable level comparable with other countries percent.

Emphasizing the importance of expanding the justice system in rural territories, the report underscored the lack of mobile courts and the need for increased or "hardship" pay to induce qualified judicial personnel to serve in conflict posts. None of the courts or offices surveyed by an international NGO in four provinces Katanga, Maniema, Bandundu, and South Kivu had received operational or capital improvement funding from the central government in at least 10 years, forcing courts to rely on extralegal fees to pay for basic supplies and remuneration of "volunteer clerks," who were used by court offices to fill gaps when civil service employees retired and were not replaced.

A significant source of case management delay was the inability of courts to cover the costs of serving documents and other costs of litigation, including, for example, costs of transport for witnesses and victims in initial stages of prosecution. While there was some limited donor support for capital improvement and more limited support for operational costs, it was not enough to have an appreciable effect on courts' ability to function as viable institutions. In their March report to the UNHRC, seven UN special rapporteurs and representatives highlighted the need for transitional justice and truth-seeking initiatives, and recommended establishing mixed courts comprising national and international judges and sitting in national courts.

While no mixed courts were established during the year, on October 1 the UNOHCHR published a human rights mapping report, which was endorsed by the government and catalogued the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed in the country between March and June The Ministry of Justice sponsored a two-day workshop to draft legislation related to the mixed chambers on November 29 and Trial Procedures The constitution provides for a presumption of innocence; however, in practice most detainees were treated as already having been convicted. Although the government permitted, and in some cases provided, legal counsel, lawyers often did not have free access to defendants.

The public could attend trials only at the discretion of the presiding judge. Juries are not used. During trials defendants have the right to be present and to be provided a defense attorney. However, in practice these rights were not always respected. Defendants have the right to appeal in most cases except those involving national security, armed robbery, and smuggling, which the Court of State Security generally adjudicated. Defendants have the right to confront and question witnesses against them and can present evidence and witnesses in their own defense. The law requires that defendants have access to government-held evidence, but this right was not always observed in practice.

There were no reports of women or specific ethnic groups being systematically denied these rights. Political Prisoners and Detainees There were reports of political prisoners and detainees. The government permitted access to some political prisoners by international human rights organizations and MONUC; however, authorities consistently denied access to detention facilities run by the GR and the ANR see section 1. Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies Civil courts exist for lawsuits and other disputes, but the public widely viewed them as corrupt. The party willing to pay the higher bribe was generally believed to receive decisions in its favor.

Most individuals could not afford the often prohibitive fees associated with filing a civil case. While the law stipulates access to free legal counsel for citizens in civil trials, in practice magistrates remained overburdened by large caseloads in areas outside of Kinshasa. It was difficult to retain the continued services of lawyers, who often spent minimal time outside of the capital. He estimates that between 13, to 18, Chinese sex workers are currently in sub-Saharan Africa. Growing African purchasing power helps explain sex migration.

That means more money for imported televisions, imported handbags and, yes, imported sex. Ndjio, an anthropology professor at the University of Douala in Cameroon, is perhaps the only academic studying the phenomenon. He stumbled on his specialty by accident while putting himself through graduate school in Cameroon with work as a casino croupier. Prior to his current paper, Ndjio has over the past six years authored two of the only studies on Chinese sex migration to Africa. When I visited Ndjio at the Institute for Advanced Study, in Princeton, New Jersey, where he is halfway through a yearlong research fellowship, he explained that Chinese prostitutes first arrived in sub-Saharan Africa during the Cold War almost exclusively serviced migrant workers working on PRC-funded construction projects.

In the second, current phase—which began in the earlys—migrant sex workers joined the influx of inexpensive Chinese goods and services into Africa and began servicing locals. Just as Zambian chicken farmers and clothing retailers in Lesotho resent the one million Chinese who have relocated to Africa sinceNadjio says, so too do local prostitutes balk at Chinese women selling sexual exoticism at cut rates. The country has as many as 10 million sex workers—roughly the population of Greece—working in massage parlors, bathhouses and karaoke bars.